Wednesday, December 11, 2019

Anglophone Crisis: Maurice Kamto severely dragged

In addition to being a top-flight lawyer and an internationally recognized lawyer, you are the hope of the Cameroonian people who are hungry for change. But do not compromise your political career by defending your position on the Anglophone problem. Indeed, in an interview with colleagues from Jeune Afrique, you stated on this question: "I am not, I have never been and I will never be for the partition of Cameroon. It's not even possible. Our country must remain united".

As a professor of law and pope on the subject, you have a perfect knowledge of the principle of international law of "uti possidetis juris" (see Case Burkina Faso / Mali before the International Court of Justice) which would like each State to respect the limits territories at the time of its independence. Which partition do you mean then, while you are aware that when the Republic of Cameroon obtains its independence on January 1, 1960, and is admitted to the United Nations as a Member State on September 20, 1960, what is then called Southern Cameroons (the current northwestern and southwestern regions) was not included in this territorial area? 

In declaring that "our country must remain united", that there is no question of any return to federalism in 1961, there is reason to fear that you have entered the logic of the Ahidjo and Biya regimes which consisted of annexing and assimilating the English-speaking people to citizens of the Republic of Cameroon, whereas before 1 October 1961 (when he was independent) he had a very different political, economic, social and cultural life in his territory. of ours in the Republic of Cameroon. 

In declaring that "our country must remain united", it is to give the impression that Cameroon was born on May 20, 1972, and that we must make a clean sweep of historical facts prior to that date. However, it is by recognizing that the Anglophones have joined us not as a part of us but as an independent and sovereign people like us that we will bring a solution to this war that lasts and continues.

As a lawyer of great caliber, can you tell us on behalf of what text or principle of international law on October 1, 1961, the Anglophones of Southern Cameroons had obligation to ban their Parliament, their House of Chief, their government, their Prime Minister Ministry to become full citizens of the Republic of Cameroon while both Article 76 (b) of the United Nations Charter and Resolution 1608 of 21 April 1961 voted by the UN made it an independent and sovereign people? 

Mr. Maurice Kamto, would you have had the opportunity to advocate this unit at any cost if on October 16, 1959, the General Assembly of the United Nations had endorsed the choice made to 67% by the people of Southern Cameroons at the pre conference - Mamfe's plebiscite from 10 to 11 August 1959 to undergo only two options of plebiscite: integration in Nigeria or total independence? Do you know that it was opportunistically that the attachment to Cameroon was introduced at the UN General Assembly of October 16, 1959 to replace the option of total independence, England having mistakenly estimated that "Southern Cameroons was not economically viable to be totally independent"? 

Be careful not to make the same mistakes as the previous regimes that you fought and that you fight by trying to erase the history of an entire people. Beware of these whole generations sacrificed on the altar of the interests of French imperialism, for fear of dragging forever this socio-political bomb that is the English-speaking problem like a ball. Your integrity and your political virginity are at stake.

Reporter: Michel Biem Tong