Thursday, June 13, 2019

Maurice Kamto must accept to be sentenced

This is and will be my most difficult text to write. I beg you, therefore, to read it with your head rested, as I always say, to read it gently, and even to ask your neighbor if you need to translate it into patois, because it is my most honest text - written from the heart fund. By love. For deep love for those who carry the Passion of our people, in the march towards its liberation.

Well, let's go: you'll see a lot of conflict, a lot of crises, accusations - the diaspora did this, o, that ate the money from that, o, that stole, o, such betrayed, o! The cause of this disorder is simple, it is the bad conscience that speaks on the one hand, like that of the mother who cries for having sent to the market, her son whom the car has knocked, and on the other hand, is the refusal to look reality in the face, this reality that is this: Maurice Kamto must let himself be condemned.And when I say Maurice Kamto here, I'm talking about the entire directory of the MRC that is in prison. Anyone who is a tactician easily understands, very easily, the strategies that are put in jail, from the prison to create the dilatory - they are transparent, even to an infant, I would say.

They are called English roadblocks. The problem however lies in the trajectory in front of us, trajectory whose illustration is indeed Nelson Mandela. The peculiarity of Nelson Mandela - a metaphor everyone likes change - is that after twenty-seven years in prison, he emerged victorious from apartheid and became president. Its particularity - and this connects it to others like Kwame Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta, etc. - obviously he has spent years in prison.

But the peculiarity of Nelson Mandela too, and this is essential for my argument, is that he has been condemned. On June 12, 1964, exactly exactly fifty-five years ago, he was sentenced to Pretoria for sabotage and terrorism.

No one can force Paul Biya to start the trial of Maurice Kamto, but Maurice Kamto's defense strategy, if it is built on his release and the release of all the prisoners on January 26, June 1 and 8, will not be. only at the cost of the continuation of the prison republic in which we already live. It will be an individual liberation, not the liberation of a people.

Because the liberation of Maurice Kamto, and his non-conviction therefore, will be the seal that he can obviously still be candidate for the presidential election in Cameroon - that is to say under the Constitution written and modified a thousand times by Paul Biya, that is to say under the Biya system. It would be tantamount, to return to the example of Nelson Mandela, that, released under apartheid, he could be a candidate for the foreknowledge of the republic under apartheid, because his file would not have been soiled.

He could continue his career as a lawyer apartheid, because his file would not have been dirty. He could therefore live without any problem under apartheid because 'he would not have been cut off.' You understand that it's absurd! This is absurd, because apartheid must be destroyed, and as much as the destruction of apartheid was not possible with the non-conviction of Nelson Mandela on June 12, 1964, the end of the regime bulu is not possible with the non-conviction of Maurice Kamto today. We are truly here at a crossroads, and the choice does not lie in Paul Biya, but rather in the directory of the MRC, in the militants of the MRC, and in the Cameroonian people who must choose either the path of non-conviction under bondage, or liberation that would mark the end of the oppression of all.

You understand that choosing non-conviction has an obvious consequence: it would mean to deny anyone who fights for the liberation of Maurice Kamto, but from near and far contributed or would contribute to the extension of his stay in prison. This would therefore mean to deny, 1) the Bamileke, the very group of which 95% of the prisoners are constituted, as well as all that they have as a system of organization, especially the traditional tontines and village meetings; it would mean 2) to deny the Anglophones, that is all tactical allies in this common goal which is the overthrow, no, the destruction of the Bulu regime;that would mean, 3) deny the Anti-Sardinards Brigade (BAS), and even worse, accuse him of having caused the arrest of Maurice Kamto as I read here and there; that would mean 4) denying the Campaign I Am Kamto (JSK), and therefore any fundraising it would do, any movement and any action that it would make, which would be tantamount to literally cutting itself off from what we calls it 'lifeline', and so that would mean 5) denying the diaspora as a whole, a diaspora which, as we know, is constituted not only by a majority of Bamileke and Anglophones, but overwhelmingly pro-Kamto. I'm forty-nine (49!), Yes, some white hair under my chin, but I think even my little girl will tell you that 1), 2), 3) 4) and 5) are a clear strategy of defeat of the Cameroonian people before the tyranny bulu.

The reason being simple: you can not go into the battle of your life, by denying all your friends, when on the contrary, it is these friends who are your strength, who were your strength and who will be your strength - and I am speaking here of striking force. The quarrels I mentioned at the beginning are the expression of this denial, of this bad conscience. I am Bangangte, and like every Bangangte, we know by heart the story of Nya Thadee - me, her family too. When shot at the Market Square, the Bangangte people gathered around the poles and told him this: Chu chu me men ma.

Which means, stand up and take the murderous bullets in your chest.

Semengue and his soldiery fired with a sneer, as they cut off the heads of the Bamileke and deposited them at the crossroads with a sneer. Today, Bulu's head is picked up at crossroads in the Noso, and the Bulu choke with hatred.Their laugh is over.

We manage.

Concierge of the Republic

Reporter: Patrice Nganang